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PRINCETON    •   NEW  JERSEY 

AVI  ffifm 

PRESENTED  BY 

A.    G.    CamerorvPh.D.     ■ 


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CELEBRATION 


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PRINCETON,  N.  J.  : 

J.    T,    ROBINSON.   PRINTER. 

1861. 


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In  pursuance  of  public  notice,  a  meeting  of  the  citizens  was  h«ld  at  tho 
Mansion  House  on  the  10th  of  June,  1861,  when  it  was  unanimously  resolved 
to  celebrate  the  approaching  anniversary  of  our  national  independence. 

The  following  Committees  were  appointed  : 

Committee  of  Arrangements : — T.  G.  Lytle,  Chairman;  Wm.  W.  Stbllr, 
Sec'y  ;  S.  D.  Bergen  ;  Martin  Voorhees  ;  Robert  L.  Clow  ;  John  R.  Hamilton  ; 
Eli  R.  Stonaker. 

Committee  of  Finance: — Nathaniel  Stout;  Dr.  J.  H.  Janeway ;  J.  T.  L. 
Anderson  ;  Dr.  John  H.  Warren. 

Committee  on  Speakers: — Rev.  J.  T.  Duffield  ;  John  T.  Robinson  ;  Daniel  P. 
Voorhees. 

The  following  programme  was  adopted  by  the  Committee  of  Arrangements : 

A  National  Salute  will  be  fired  at  Sunrise,  accompanied  by  ringing  of  the 
bells. 

Marshal  of  the  day,  John  R.  Hamilton,  assisted  by  Robert  L.  Clow,  and 
Aaron  F.  Allen. 

A  procession  will  be  formed  in  front  of  Nassau  Hall,  at  9  o'clock,  A.  M., 
under  the  orders  of  the  Marshal;  consisting  of  the  Soldiers  of  the  war  of  1812, 
in  carriages,  Princeton  Troop,  Governor's  Guard,  Fire  Department,  and  Citi- 
zens. 

At  11  o'clock,  A.  M.,  the  exercises  will  commence  at  the  First  Pres.  Church. 

Reading  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  by  David  Comfort,  Esq. 

Reading  of  Washington's  Farewell  Address  by  Rev.  Dr.  Mcllvaine. 

Oration,  by  Hon.  R.  S.  Field. 

Gov.  Olden,  Hon.  Wm.  C.  Alexander,  Hon.  J.  R.  Thomson,  Com.  Crabbe, 
Com.  Stockton,  James  S.  Green,  Esq.,  the  Clergy  of  all  denominations,  and 
other  distinguished  citizens  have  been  invited  to  participate  in  the  exercises. 

At  4  o'clock,  P.  M.,  the  military  will  form  and  parade.  Good  music  in 
attendanee. 

Grand  display  of  Fireworks  in  the  evening,  in  the  rear  of  Nassau  Hall. 

By  order  of  the  Committee  of  Arrangements. 

The  morning  of  the  4th  was  ushered  in  by  the  ringing  of  the  bells  belonging 
to  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  Theological  Seminary,  and  the  Episcopal 
Church,  accompanied  by  firing  of  guns. 

At  9  o'clock,  A.  M.,  a  procession  was  formed  in  front  of  the  College  under 
the  direction  of  John  R.  Hamilton,  Esq.,  Marshal,  assisted  by  Major  A.  F. 
Allen  and  Robert  L.  Clow,  consisting  of  the  Princeton  Troop,  Lieut.  S.  Alex. 
Hamilton  commanding,  Governor's  Guard,  Capt.  Wm.  V.  Scudder,  and  the 
Fire  Department,  under  the  direction  of  Arch.  T.  Clow,  Chief  Engineer, 
nccompanied  by  the  Trenton  Cornet  Band,  Benj.  McClurg,  Leader. 


The  Procession,  after  parading  through  the  principal  streets  of  the  Borough, 
at  11  o'clock,  the  hour  appointed,  entered  the  First  Presbyterian  Church, and 
occupied  the  pews  in  the  centre  of  the  building,  the  other  parts  being  densely 
crowded  by  the  citizens  of  the  place  and  the  surrounding  neighborhood.  A 
stage  had  been  erected  in  front  of  the  pulpit,  which  was  occupied  by  persons 
invited  to  participate  in  the  exercises  ;  the  Hon.  James  S.  Green  presiding. 

The  exercises  were  opened  with  prayer  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  Macdonald,  pastor 
of  the  congregation  worshipping  in  that  Church. 

Music  by  the  band,  The  Star  Spangled  Banner,  which  was  foilowed  by  a 
choir  of  young  ladies  from  the  public  school,  who  sang  the  same  national  air. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  then  read  by  David  Comfort,  Esq. 

Portions  of  Washington's  Farewell  Address  were  read  by  the  Rev.  Dr. 
Mclhaine,  who  preceded  it  by  a  few  appropriate  remarks. 

Then  followed  the  oration  by  the  Hon.  Richard  S.  Field,  which  was  listened 
to  by  the  large  audience  in  the  most  profound  and  uninterrupted  manner. 

The  Benediction  was  then  pronounced  by  the  Rev.  Dr.  John  Maclean, 
President  of  the  College,  when  the  audience  dispersed. 

At  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  procession  was  reformed  in  front  of  the 
College  and  paraded  our  streets,  firing  salutes  occasionally,  until  about  6 
o'clock,  when  they  were  dismissed. 

In  the  evening  there  was  a  brilliant  display  of  fireworks  on  the  back 
grounds  of  the  College. 

The  Princeton  Troop,  Capt.  Cummiogs,  made  a  beautiful  appearance  in 
their  gray  uniform,  and  being  well  mounted  created  considerable  admiration- 

Much  praise  is  also  due  to  the  Governor's  Guard,  Capt.  Scudder,  for  the 
perfectness  of  their  drill.  They  presented  a  fine  appearance  with  their  new- 
gray  uniforms. 

The  Fire  Department  also  deserve  praise  for  their  neat  appearance. 

Large  numbers  of  citizens  from  the  adjacent  country  were  present. 

Wreaths,  boquets,  &c,  made  by  fair  hands  were  given  to  friends  in  the 
procession. 

Flags  were  numerous  throughout  the  town  ;  and  the  good  order  observed 
throughout  the  day  by  the  entire  populace  made  things  pass  off  pleasantly 
and  agreeably  to  all  concerned. 

The  following  Committee  were  appointed  to  request  a  copy  of  the  oration 
for  publication  ; 

John  H.  Janeway, 
John  R.  Hamilton, 
Nathaniel  Stout, 
Sampel  D.  Bergsn. 


T^icV\«-r<i.    S>  Y\&\& 


THE  CONSTITUTION 


NOT    A 


COMPACT  BETWEEN  SOVEREIGN  STATES. 


Fellow  Citizens  : — 

For  four  and  eighty  years,  the  people  of  this  country  have 
been  celebrating  the  anniversary  of  their  national  Indepen- 
dence ;  and  those  to  whose  lot  it  has  fallen  to  address  their 
fellow-citizens  upon  such  occasions,  have  had  before  them  a 
delightful  task.  Glorious  recollections  of  the  past  would  throng 
upon  their  memory  ;  bright  hopes  of  the  future  would  spread 
themselves  out  before  their  enraptured  vision.  The  early  his- 
tory of  the  Colonies,  so  full  of  interest ;  the  disputes  with  the 
mother-country,  so  fraught  with  instruction  ;  the  calm  delibera- 
tion, the  clear  resolves,  the  masterly  discussions,  which  prece- 
ded the  appeal  to  arms  ;  the  thrilling  events  which  ushered  in 
the  Revolution  ;  those  battle  fields,  which  cannot  even  now  be 
named,  without  stirring  our  blood  ;  the  varied  fortunes  of  the 
war,  disaster  following  disaster,  till  all  seemed  lost,  and  then 
some  sudden  flash  of  victory,  like  that  at  Trenton  or  at  Prince- 
ton, breaking  out  through  the  darkness,  and  kindling  new  hope; 
the  successful  issue  of  the  struggle,  followed,  as  it  was,  by  the 
acknowledgement  of  our  Independence,  and  our  admission  into 
the  family  of  nations  ;  the  crowning  glory  of  the  whole,  the 
adoption  of  the  Constitution,  without  which,  Independence  itself 
would  have  been  a  doubtful  blessing  ;  the  marvellous  progress 
made  by  the  nation,  outstripping  all  that  the  most  sanguine 
ever  dreamed  of;  the  expansion  of  our  territory  from  ocean  to 
ocean,  and  from  the  lakes  of  the  north  to  the  southern  gulf ; 
the  beautiful  spectacle  of  State  after  State  stepping  into  the 
Union,  and  taking  at  once  its   appropriate  place,  without  dis- 


tilrbing  the  harmony  of  the  system ;  and  the  ever  brightening, 
ever  lengthening  chains,  which  were  linking  all  the  members 
of  the  confederacy  so  indissolubly  together,  [that  it  seemed 
almost  impossible  they  should  ever  be  separated ;  these,  and 
such  as  these,  were  the  animating  themes  which  invited  discus- 
sion. 

But  alas  !  we  have  fallen  upon  evil  days  ;  and  it  is  my  mis- 
fortune to  be  called  upon  to  address  you  at  a  time,  when,  if  I 
were  to  present  to  you  a  picture  of  our  past  happiness,  it  would 
but  embitter  the  painful  reflections,  which  a  contemplation  of 
the  present  and  of  the  future  force  upon  our  minds.  Yes,  fel- 
low-citizens, it  is  difficult  to  realize  it,  it  is  hard  to  pronounce 
the  word  ;  but,  we  are  in  the  midst  of  a  revolution.  Rebellion 
has  reared  its  horrid  front,  and  unless  speedily  crushed,  threat- 
ens to  involve  us  in  all  the  horrors  of  a  protracted  civil  war. 
The  Union,  watered  by  the  tears,  and  cemented  by  the  blood  of 
our  patriot  Fathers,  is  sought  to  be  torn  rudely  asunder.  That 
Constitution,  which  we  fondly  hoped  was  destined  to  be  perpet- 
ual, the  source  of  so  much  happiness  to  us,  and  of  so  much 
hope  to  the  nations  of  the  world,  is  assailed  in  its  most  vital 
parts.  That  mild  and  paternal  government,  whose  burdens 
ihave  been  unfelt,  and  which  has  only  been  known  by  the  bless- 
ings it  bestows,  is  threatened  with  destruction. 

What  are  the  causes  which  have  led  to  this  calamitous  state 
-of  things ;  and  what  are  the  stern,  but  solemn  duties,  to  which 
we  are  summoned  ?  In  such  a  crisis,  and  in  the  discussion  of 
'questions  like  these,  may  we  not,  without  irreverence,  invoke 
the  aid  of  that  Spirit,  "  that  dost  prefer,  before  all  temples, 
the  upright  heart  and  pure,"  to  instruct  us  ;  to  illumine  what 
is  dark ;  and  ,to  raise  us  "  to  the  height  of  this  great  argu- 
ment." What  cause  then  could  have  moved  eleven  of  the 
;States  of  the  Union — States  "  favored  of  heaven  so  highly" — 
enjoying  so  many  blessings — with  so  much  to  make  them  hap- 
py and  contented — to  renounce  their  allegiance  to  a  Govern- 
ment, to  which,  under  Providence,  they  are  indebted  for  all 
that  they  have,  and  all  that  they  are  ? 


I  have  called  it  a  rebellion.  But  here,  we  are  met,  at  the 
very  threshold,  by  a  plea  on  behalf  of  the  revolted  States. 
They  are  not  rebels.  They  indignantly  disclaim  the  imputa- 
tion of  such  a  term.  They  have  only  exercised  one  of  the 
rights  reserved  to  them  under  the  Constitution.  They  have 
Seceded.  This  brings  us  then  to  the  doctrine  of  Secession, 
What  is  it  ?  It  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  a  right  which,  it 
is  alleged,  belongs  to  every  State,  to  withdraw  from  the  Union 
whenever  she  sees  proper  to  do  so.  Let  us  examine  it.  It 
rests  for  its  support  upon  a  single  proposition  ;  and  if  that 
can  be  shewn  to  be  false,  the  whole  argument  falls  to  the  ground. 
The  proposition  is,  that  the  Constitution  is  a  compact  between 
Sovereign  States.  And  the  inferences  drawn  from  it  are,  that 
a  violation  of  this  compact  by  one  of  the  parties  absolves  the 
others  from  all  obligations  to  perform  it ;  and  that  each  State 
must  judge  for  itself,  in  the  last  resort,  whether  or  not  such  in-. 
fraction  has  taken  place. 

The  first  remark  I  have  to  make  is,  that  if  this  be  so,  then 
it  is  in  vain  to  enquire  whether  the  alleged  grievances  of  the 
South  are  real  or  imaginary.  For,  as  they  are  the  sole  judges 
of  their  sufficiency,  no  appeal  of  course  lies  from  their  decision. 
And  this  is  just  the  position  which  they  have  assumed.  In  their 
Ordinances  of  Secession,  they  have  not  deigned  to  assign  the 
reasons  which  have  induced  them  to  separate  themselves  from 
the  Union.  When  our  Fathers  declared  their  independence  of 
Great  Britain,  they  admitted,  that  a  "  decent  respect  for  the 
opinions  of  mankind  required  that  they  should  declare  the 
causes  which  impelled  them  to  the  separation."  And  they  ac-. 
cordingly  "  submitted  to  a  candid  world  "  a  catalogue  of  their 
wrongs,  the  recital  of  which  might,  in  all  future  ages,  serve  as 
a  justification  for  their  conduct.  But  not  so  with  the  Seceding 
States.  They  put  themselves  upon  the  right  of  Secession.  It 
is  beneath  the  dignity  of  Sovereign  States,  to  enter  into  any 
explanation  of  the  reason  of  their  conduct. 

But  is  the  Constitution  a  compact  ?  The  first  objection  to 
the  proposition  is,  that  it  is  a  contradiction  in  terms.     If  it  is 


,8 

a  Constitution,  it  cannot  be  a  compact.  The  two  ideas  are 
utterly  inconsistent  with  each  other.  A  compact  is  an  agree- 
ment between  two  or  more  parties.  A  Constitution,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  an  organic  law,  to  which  there  can  be  but  one 
party,  and  that  is  the  people  by  whom  it  is  ordained.  If  there 
is  one  word,  with  the  meaning  of  which  the  people  of  this 
country  ought  to  be  more  familiar  than  any  other,  it  is  the 
word  Constitution.  It  is,  in  fact,  one  of  our  own  peculiar 
institutions.  The  glory  of  our  governments,  State  as  well  as 
National,  is,  that  they  are  Constitutional  Governments,  in  a 
sense,  in  which  no  other  Governments  in  the  world  can  be  said 
to  be  so.  We  sometimes  hear  of  the  Constitution  of  England. 
But  it  is  so  only  in  name.  It  is  a  mere  rhetorical  phrase.  They 
have,  it  is  true,  their  Petition  of  Rights,  their  Bill  of  Rights, 
and  their  Act  of  Settlement ;  and  these  they  are  sometimes 
pleased  to  dignify  with  the  title  of  a  Constitution.  But  they 
are  mere  acts  of  Parliament ;  passed,  it  is  true,  at  critical 
junctures,  and  with  more  than  usual  solemnities,  but  which  a 
subsequent  Parliament  might  at  any  time  repeal.  It  is  a  maxim 
of  British  law,  that  the  power  of  Parliament  knows  no  bounds. 
It  is  omnipotent.  Sovereignty  and  Legislation  are  there  con- 
vertible terms.  But  it  is  not  so  here.  Our  legislators  are  not 
our  Sovereigns — they  are  our  Servants.  They  can  make  such 
laws  only  as  the  Constitution  permits  them  to  make.  The  only 
Sovereignty  which  we  acknowledge,  under  God,  is  the  Sover- 
eignty of  the  people.  When  we  talk  of  a  Constitution,  then, 
every  American  knows  what  we  mean  by  it — something  essen- 
tially different  from  a  compact — a  fundamental,  irrepealable 
law,  of  perpetual  obligation.  To  call  the  Constitution  a  Com- 
pact, then,  is'  simply  absurd. 

But,  what  does  the  Constitution  say  of  itself  ?  Is  there  a 
word  in  it,  from  beginning  to  end,  to  give  countenance  to  the 
idea  that  it  was  designed  to  be  a  compact  ?  The  term  compact 
occurs  once  in  it,  but  then,  it  is  in  that  clause,  in  which  a  State 
is  prohibited,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  from  entering 
into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State. 


9 

Its  opening  words  are  pregnant  with  meaning,  and  shed  a 
flood  of  light  upon  this  question,  "  We,  the  people  of  the  United 
States."  They  proclaim,  it  seems  to  me,  in  terms  not  to  be 
misunderstood,  the  true  character  of  the  instrument.  They 
declare  it  to  be,  not  an  agreement  between  States,  but  emphat- 
ically the  work'  of  the  people.  The  States,  as  such,  were  not 
parties  to  it  at  all.  They  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  They  did 
not  make  it  in  the  first  instance.  They  did  not  adopt  it  after- 
wards. It  was  ratified  by  Conventions,  chosen  by  the  People, 
the  only  true  source  of  all  political  power  ;  not  even  by  the 
people  of  the  several  States,  but  by  the  people  of  the  United 
States,  that  is,  by  the  people  in  their  collective  aggregate 
capacity,  acting  of  course  through  their  representatives  in  State 
Conventions.  And  what  was  it  they  did?  Do  they  declare 
that  they  make  a  compact,  that  they  enter  into  a  league,  or 
that  they  even  form  a  Confederacy  ?  No  !  but  that  they  ordain 
and  establish  a  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of  America. 

Such,  undoubtedly,  is  the  character  of  this  instrument,  as 
proclaimed  by  its  framers  ;  and  such,  most  certainly,  it  was 
understood  to  be  at  the  time  of  its  adoption.  As  such,  it  was 
assailed  by  its  enemies  ;  as  such,  it  was  advocated  by  its  friends. 
It  was  against  these  words  in  the  preamble,  "We  the  People," 
that  Patrick  Henry  hurled  all  the  thunders  of  his  eloquence  in 
the  Virginia  Convention.  "Who  authorized  them,"  he  asks, 
"to  speak  the  language  of  We  the  People,  instead  of,  We  the 
States  ?  States  are  the  characteristics  and  the  soul  of  a  con- 
federacy. If  the  States  be  not  the  agents  of  this  compact,  it 
must  be  one  great  consolidated  National  Government  of  the 
people  of  all  the  States."  "Should  the  system  go  into  opera- 
tion," he  says,  "what  will  the  States  have  to  do?  Take  care 
of  the  poor,  repair  and  make  highways,  erect  bridges,  and  so 
on  and  so  on.  Abolish  the  State  Legislatures  at  once.  To 
what  purpose  should  they  be  retained  ?"  And  again,  "  Have 
they  said  we  the  States  ?  If  they  had,  this  would  be  a  confed- 
eration ;  it  is  otherwise  most  clearly  a  consolidated  government. 
The  question  turns,  sir,  on  that  poor  little  thing,  the  expression 
2 


10 

we  the  people,  instead  of  the  States  of  America."  He  saw  the 
full  force  and  effect  of  these  words,  and  he  interpreted  them 
truly. 

Now,  what  answer  was  given  to  these  arguments  ?     Among 
those  to  whom   they  were  addressed,  were  two  men,  who  had 
borne  a  principal  part  in  the  formation  of  the  Constitution,  and 
who  might  be  presumed,  therefore,  to   understand,  if  any   one 
did,  its  meaning  and  character.      These  men   were   Edmund 
Randolph   and   James   Madison.     What  reply,  then,  did   they 
make  to  the  strictures  of  Patrick  Henry  ?     "The  gentleman," 
said  Governor  Randolph,  "inquires  why  we  assumed  the  lan- 
guage of  we  the  people?     I  ask,  why  not?     The   government 
is  for  the  people ;  and  the  misfortune  was,  that  the  people  had 
no  agency  in  the  government  before.     What  harm  is  there  in 
consulting  the  people,  on  the  construction  of  a  government,  by 
which  they  are  to  be  bound  ?     Is  it  unfair  ?     Is  it  unjust  ?     If 
the  government  is  to  be  binding  on  the  people,  are  not  the 
people  the  proper  persons  to  examine   its  merits  or  defects?" 
And  Mr.  Madison  remarked,  "Should  all  the  States  adopt  it, 
it  will  then  be  a  government  established  by  the  thirteen  States 
of  America,  not  through  the  intervention  of  the  legislatures, 
but  by  the  people  at  large.     In  this  particular  respect,  the  dis- 
tinction between  the  existing  and  proposed  governments  is  very 
material.      The   existing   system   has  been   derived   from   the 
dependent  derivative  authority  of  the  legislatures  of  the  States  ; 
whereas,  this  is  derived  from  the  supreme  poiver  of  the  people." 
This,  unquestionably,  is  the  true  theory  of  the  Constitution. 
And  herein  it  differs  essentially  from  the  old  articles   of  Con- 
federation.    They  were  truly  a   compact  between   the    States. 
The  States  were  parties,  and  the  only  parties  to  it.     And  hence 
its  language  was,  "To  all  to  whom  these  presents   shall  come,, 
we,   the    undersigned,  delegates    of  the   States  affixed  to   our 
names,  send  greeting.     The  said  States  hereby  severally  enter 
into  a  firm  league  of  friendship  with  each  other  for  their  common 
defence,  the  security  of  their  liberties,  and  their  mutual  and 
general  welfare."     But  the  language  of  the  Constitution  is,  not 


11 

we  the  States,  but  we  the  people — not  we  the  people  of  the  several 
States,  but  uive  the  people  of  the  United  States" — in  order  to 
form  a  more  perfect  Union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic 
tranquillity,  provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  gen- 
eral welfare,  and  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and 
our  posterity,  do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  of  America." 

What  then  becomes  of  the  proposition  that  the  Constitution 
is  a  compact.     It  has  not  the  slightest  foundation  on  which  to 
rest.     Still  less,  is  it  a  compact  between  Sovereign  States.     In 
fact,  this  idea  of  the  Sovereignty  of  the  States  is  a  perfect  de- 
lusion.    It  has  beguiled  us  too  long  already,  and  it  is   high 
time  it  were  dissipated  forever.     I  know  it  is  soothing  to  State 
pride  ;  it  appeals  to  local  patriotism  ;  and  it  wins  the  favor  of 
that  class  of  politicians,  numerous  and  influential,  who  look  for 
office  and   for  honor,  to  the   State,  rather  than  to  the   Federal 
Government.     But  it  is  not  on  that  account  the  less  dangerous. 
In  the  sense  in  which  a   State  is  said  to   be  sovereign,  every 
municipal  corporation  is  sovereign  ;  every  county  is  sovereign  ; 
every   township  is  sovereign.     That   is,  within  the   sphere   of 
their  jurisdiction,  their   power  is  supreme.     But  what  are  the 
essential  attributes  of  Sovereignty  in  a  State  ?     Are  they  not, 
the  power  of  making  war  and  peace — the  power  of  raising  and 
supporting  an  army — the  power  of  making  treaties  and  allian- 
ces with  other  States — the  power  of  sending  and  receiving  am- 
bassadors— the  'power  of  coining  money  and  regulating  com- 
merce ?     These  are  the  great  imperial  powers,  the  jura  Summi 
imperii,  by  which   sovereign  and  independent  States  are  known 
and   recognized  by  the   nations  of  the   world.     Now,  there  is 
not  a  State  in  the  Union  which  has  ever  enjoyed  for  a  moment 
the  exercise  of  these  powers.     If  so,  when  ?     Certainly  not 
while   they   were   Colonies.     This   has  never  been   pretended. 
The  instant  they  ceased  to  be  Colonies,  they  became  the  Unit- 
ed States  of  America.     They  were  independent  of  Great  Brit- 
ain, but  not  independent  of  one  another.     They  established  a 
National   Government.     To  the  States,  were  left  the  affairs  of 


12 

internal  police,  but  the  powers  over  war,  peace,  foreign  allian^ 
ces  and  commerce,  were  exercised  by  Congress.  Under  the 
articles  of  Confederation,  these  powers  were  expressly  conferred 
upon  Congress ;  for  the  articles  of  Confederation  differed  from 
the  Constitution,  not  so  much  in  the  extent  of  the  powers  given 
to  Congress,  as  in  the  mode  of  executing  them.  And  under 
the  Constitution,  all  these  sovereign  powers,  were  not  only  ex- 
pressly conferred  upon  Congress,  but  as  expressly  prohibited 
to  the  States.  What  an  abuse  of  words  then  it  is  to  speak  of 
States  as  sovereign. 

Nevertheless,  this  doctrine  of  Stat'?  Sovereignty  has  always 
been  a  favorite  idea  of  a  certain  class  of  our  public  men.  It 
may  be  said  indeed,  without  exaggeration,  to  have  been  the 
evil  genius  of  our  Constitution.  It  assailed  it  at  its  very  birth. 
It  almost  strangled  it  in  its  cradle.  Its  evil  influence  was  felt 
in  the  convention  which  framed  the  Constitution,  and  almost 
prevented  its  formation.  It  hovered  around  the  State  conven- 
tions, which  were  called  to  ratify  it,  and  for  a  time  rendered  its 
adoption  more  than  doubtful.  It  followed  the  footsteps  of  its 
youth,  and  sowed  those  dissensions,  which  embittered  the  ad- 
ministration of  Washington.  It's  malignant  spirit  was  infused 
into  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolutions  in  1798,  when  for 
the  first  time  it  was  openly  declared,  that  the  Constitution  was 
a  compact  between  the  States.  After  lying  dormant  for  years, 
it  sprung  up  with  renewed  vigor  in  1830,  under  the  specious 
guise  of  nullification.  And,  gathering  strength  as  it  advanced, 
and  throwing  off  all  disguises,  it  has  at  last  revealed  itself  in 
the  hideous  form  of  secession. 

I  have  adverted  to  the  Virginia  and  Kentucky  resolves  of 
1798.  But  these  celebrated  resolutions  deserve  more  than  a 
passing  notice.  Their  history  is  instructive,  and  the  lesson 
Wh^ch^they  teach,  if  a  sad,  may  at  the  same  time  be  a  salutary 
one.  They  were  passed  at  a  time  of  great  political  excitement. 
The  Alien  and^Sedition  laws  had  thrown  Virginia  into  a  fer- 
ment. That  these  laws  were  unwise  and  inexpedient,  may 
readily  be  admitted  ;   and  they  probably  contributed  more  than 


IB 

anything  else  to  the  overthrow  of  that  party,  which  until  then, 
had  held  the  reins  of  government.  But,  that  they  were  any- 
thing more  than  this  may  well  be  doubted.  Nevertheless,  the  • 
Legislature  of  Virginia  resolved,  that  these  acts  were  unconsti- 
tutional ;  and  not  content  with  this,  she  further  resolved,  that 
the  Federal  Government  was  the  result  of  a  compact  to  which 
the  States  were  parties  ;  that  it  was  for  the  States  themselves 
to  decide  in  the  last  resort  whether  the  compact  so  made  by 
them  had  been  violated  ;  and,  that  in  case  of  a  deliberate,  pal- 
pable, and  dangerous  exercise  by  Congress,  of  powers  not 
granted  by  the  said  compact,  it  was  the  right  and  the  duty  of 
the  States  to  interpose,  for  the  purpose  of  arresting  the  pro- 
gress of  the  evil,  and  maintaining  within  their  respective  limits 
the  authorities  which?  appertained  to  them. 

The  Kentucky  Legislature  used  still  stronger  language. 
They  resolved,  "  that  the  several  States  who  formed  the  Con- 
stitution, being  sovereign  and  independent,  have  the  unquestion- 
able right  to  judge  of  its  infraction,  and  that  a  nullification  by 
those  sovereignties  of  all  unauthorized  acts  done  under  color  of 
that  instrument,  is  the  rightful  remedy."  Here,  we  have  the 
doctrine  of  nullification  very  distinctly  shadowed  forth. 

Now,  the  objects  of  both  these  sets  of  resolutions  werq,  to 
render  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws  odious  ;  and  thereby  to 
overthrow  the  administration  of  John  Adams,  and  to  elevate 
Thomas  Jefferson  to  the  Presidency.  Mr.  Jefferson  himself 
was  the  author  of  the  Kentucky  Resolutions.  These  objects 
were  fully  accomplished,  and  it  might  have  been  hoped,  that 
these  Resolutions,  having  effected  their  purpose,  would  have 
been  suffered  to  sink  into  forgetfulness.  But,  it  is  always 
dangerous  to  tamper  with  truth  ;  and  for  a  supposed  temporary 
good,  to  sacrifice  great  permanent  principles.  The  noxious 
seeds  then  sown,  were  destined  to  spring  up  at  a  future  day, 
and  to  produce  bitter  fruits.  If  there  is  one  State  in  this 
Union,  which  is  now  suffering  more  than  another  from  the  con- 
vulsions of  the  times,  that  State  is  Virginia.  Her  own  doctrines 
have  returned  to  plague  her.     The  ingredients  of  the  poisoned 


14 

chalice  now  commended  to  her  own  lips  were  concocted  by  her- 
self. 

But  these  Resolutions  have  a  further  interest,  from  the  fact, 
that  they  were  the  subject  of  the  last  speech  ever  made  by 
Patrick  Henry  ;  and  thus  we  have,  as  it  were,  from  his  dying 
lips,  a  solemn  warning  of  the  fatal  effects  they  were  calculated 
to  produce.  He  had  opposed,  as  we  have  seen,  the  adoption  of 
the  Constitution,  upon  the  ground,  that  it  created  too  strong  a 
central  government.  But  he  lived  to  see  and  acknowledge  the 
error  into  which  he  had  fallen ;  and  that  the  danger  to  which 
we  were  really  exposed,  was,  not  so  much  from  the  encroach- 
ments of  the  General  Government,  as  from  the  insubordination 
of  individual  States.  Seeing  the  fatal  tendency  of  these  Reso- 
lutions, and  anxious,  if  possible,  to  arrest  the  evil,  he  announced 
himself  as  a  candidate  for  the  Assembly ;  and  at  the  March 
Term  of  the  Charlotte  Court,  1799,  he  proposed  to*address  the 
people.  We  have  had  handed  down  to  us  a  graphic  picture  of 
the  scene  which  followed.  Multitudes  from  all  parts  of  the 
State  had  assembled  to  listen  once  more  to  the  voice  of  the 
great  orator  and  patriot.  The  cryer  of  the  Court,  Jimmy 
Adams  as  he  was  called,  rose  upon  a.platform,  erected  for  the 
occasion,  and  made  proclamation,  "  0  yes !  0  yes  !  Col.  Henry 
will  address  the  people  from  this  stand,  for  the  last  time,  and 
at  the  risk  of  his  life."  "Why  Jimmy,"  said  Mr.  Henry, 
"you  have  made  a  better  speech  for  me  than  I  can  make  for 
myself."  "Speak  out,  father,"  said  Jimmy,  "and  let  us  hear 
how  it  is."  And  let  us  hear  too  the  warning  voice  of  the  old 
man  eloquent.  "  The  late  proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Assem- 
bly," he  said,  "had  filled  him  with  apprehensions  and  alarm; 
they  had  planted  thorns  upon  his  pillow  ;  they  had  drawn  him 
from  that  happy  retirement,  which  it  pleased  a  bountiful  Prov- 
idence to  bestow,  and  in  Avhich  he  had  hoped  to  pass  in  quite 
the  remainder  of  his  days;  that  the  State  had  quitted  the  sphere 
in  which  she  had  been  placed  by  the  Constitution  ;  and  in  daring 
to  pronounce  upon  the  validity  of  federal  laws,  had  gone  out  of 
her  jurisdiction,  in  a  manner  not  warranted  by  any  authority." 


15 

He  asked,  whether  the  County  of  Charlotte  would  have  a  right 
to  refuse  obedience  to  the  laws  of  Virginia ;  and  he  pronounced 
Virginia  to  be  to  the  Union,  what  the  County  of  Charlotte  was 
to  her.  "If,"  said  he,  "I  am  asked,  what  is  to  be  done  when 
a  people  feel  themselves  intolerably  oppressed,  my  answer  is 
ready — overthrow  the  government.  But  do  not,  I  beseech  you, 
carry  matters  to  this  length  without  provocation.  Wait  at 
least  until  some  infringement  is  made  upon  your  rights,  and 
which  cannot  otherwise  be  redressed  ;  for  if  you  ever  recur  to 
another  change,  you  may  bid  adieu  forever  to  representative 
government.  You  can  never  exchange  the  present  government 
but  for  a  monarchy."'  He  conjured  the  people  to  pause  and 
consider  well,  before  they  rushed  into  such  a  desperate  condi- 
tion, from  which  there  could  be  no  retreat.  He  painted  to 
their  imagination,  Washington,  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  and 
well  appointed  army,  inflicting  upon  them  military  execution. 
"And  where,"  he  asked,  "are  our  resources  to  meet  such  a 
conflict  ?  Where  is  the  citizen  of  America,  who  will  dare  to 
lift  his  hand  against  the  Father  of  his  country."  A  man  in 
the  crowd  exclaimed  that  he  dared  to  do  it.  "No,"  said  Mr. 
Henry,  "you,  dare  not  do  it ;  in  such  a  parricidal  attempt,  the 
steel  would  drop  from  your  nerveless  army  As  he  concluded, 
he  sunk  into  the  arms  of  the  tumultuous  throng.  Some  one 
exclaimed,  "the  sun  has  set  in  all  its  glory." 

He  was  elected  to  the  assembly,  but  did  not  live  to  take  his 
seat.  He  died  a  few  weeks  afterwards.  The  threatened  crisis 
did  not  come.  The  Alien  and  Sedition  laws  were  temporary 
acts,  and  soon  expired  by  their  own  limitation.  Thomas  Jef- 
ferson was  elected  President.  And  now,  the  whole  scene  is 
changed.  Those  powers  of  the  General  Government,  which  in 
other  hands  seemed  so  fraught  with  danger  to  the  liberties  of 
the  country,  lost  all  their  terrors,  as  soon  as  they  were  wielded 
by  a  Southern  President.  It  is  a  remarkable  fact,  that  the  two 
most  questionable  exercises  of  power  ever  made  by  the  General 
Government,  and  which,  as  Judge  Story  remarks,  went  to  the 
utmost  verge  of  liberal  construction — I  mean  the  purchase  of 


,16 

Louisiana  in  1803,  and  the  embargo  act  of  1807,  which  under 
the  power  to  regulate  commerce,  absolutely  interdicted  it  for  an 
unlimited  period — were  measures  of  Mr.  Jefferson's  administra- 
tion. He  was  followed  by  Madison  and  Monroe.  For  twenty- 
four  years  in  succession,  Virginia  furnished  us  with  Presidents  ; 
and  during  the  whole  of  that  time,  we  hear  no  more  complaints 
at  the  South  of  the  unconstitutionality  of  federal  laws.  All 
such  complaints  came  from  the  North.  But  then,  her  remedy 
for  unconstitutional  laws,  was  not  State  intervention,  or  nullifi- 
cation, or  secession,  but  an  appeal  to  that  tribunal,  which  the 
Constitution  has  made  the  final  arbiter  of  such  questions. 
While  Virginia  gave  us  Presidents,  the  muscles  of  her  rigid  con- 
structionists were  wonderfully  relaxed  ;  her  State  jealousies  were 
laid  aside  ;  her  affection  for  the  Union  knew  no  bounds  ;  the 
Hartford  Convention  excited  in  her  breast  a  perfect  storm  of 
patriotic  indignation  ;  and,  if  we  had  not  been  so  unwise  as  at 
last  to  look  elsewhere  for  a  President,  we  might  not  now  have 
to  mourn  over  her  disloyalty.  But  no  sooner  had  we  another 
President  from  the  North,  than  the  mutterings  of  discontent 
beo-an  to  be  heard  at  the  South.  Weapons  with  which  to  assail 
the  Government,  were  drawn  from  ttie  great  armory  of  State 
Bights,  where  they  had  so  long  reposed.  It  was  discovered 
that  the  Tariff  acts,  like  the  Alien  and  Sedition  laws,  were  de- 
liberate, palpable,  and  dangerous  violations  of  the  Constitution. 
The  resolutions  of  1798  were  exhumed,  and  nullification  declared 
the  rightful  remedy. 

If  then,  this  pretended  right  of  Secession  has  really  no  warrant 
in  the  Constitution,  what  is  the  position  of  the  Seceding  States  ? 
They  are  Rebels,  in  arms  against  a  rightful  government.  Se- 
cession is  Revolution,  and  must  be  dealt  with  as  such.  Now, 
why  have  not  the  South  the  manliness  to  admit  that  such  is 
their  true  position  ?  Why  do  they  resort  to  the  wretched  sub- 
terfuge of  Secession  ?  Because  they  are  Rebels,  it  does  not 
follow  that  their  conduct  is  unjustifiable.  Our  Fathers  were 
Rebels  against  the .  British  Crown,  and  gloried  in  being  so. 
Because  it  is  a  Revolution,  it  is  not,  on  that  account  alone,  to 


17 

be  condemned.  What  are  we  doing  to-day,  but  celebrating  the 
anniversary  of  our  own  glorious  Revolution  ?  Why  then,  again 
I  ask,  are  the  South  not  willing  to  call  this  thing  by  its  right 
name  ?  The  reason  is  obvious,  and  it  is  in  vain  for  them  to 
attempt  to  conceal  it.  While  the  right  of  Revolution  is  univer- 
sally acknowledged,  in  this  country  at  least,  there  are  certain 
conditions  annexed  to  it,  which  can  never  be  dispensed  with. 
One  of  these  conditions  is,  that  it  is  to  be  resorted  to  only  in 
extreme  cases,  and  where  all  other  means  of  redress  have  failed. 
It  is  the  ultima  ratio  of  freemen,  and  to  justify  an  appeal  to  it, 
there  must  be  intolerable  oppression.  In  the  language  of  that 
Declaration  you  have  heard  to-day,  it  must  not  be  for  light  or 
transient  causes.  While  evils  are  sufferable,  they  must  be  borne 
with.  It  must  be  a  long  train  of  abuses  and  usurpations,  pur- 
suing the  same  object,  and  evincing  a  design  to  reduce  a  people 
to  absolute  subjection.  There  is  another  condition  which  attaches 
to  this  right  of  Revolution.  It  implies  a  correlative  right  on 
the  part  of  Government  to  judge  for  itself,  whether  such  a  case 
of  extreme  oppression  exists  ;  and  if  not,  then  to  use  all  the 
means  which  God  and  nature  have  put  into  its  hands,  for  the 
purpose  of  crushing  it.  There  must  be  a  case  to  justify  it,  and 
there  must  be  a  power  to  enforce  it.  If  the  South  mean  to 
exercise  the  right  of  Revolution,  they  must  take  it  with  all  its 
responsibilities  and  consequences.  Those  who  affixed  their 
names  to  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  knew  that  they  took 
their  lives  in  their  hands,  and  that  unless  they  were  able  to  make 
it  good,  they  would  suffer  the  doom  of  rebels.  These  conse- 
quences the  South  are  not  prepared  to  meet,  and  therefore  they 
seek  to  avoid  them.  But  it  cannot  be.  It  will  not  do  for  them 
to  say,  "let  us  alone,  we  are  not  rebels.  Do  not  coerce  us,  we 
have  only  seceded."  The  answer  is,  Secession  is  Rebellion. 
After  all,  and  at  the  very  best,  a  Revolution  is  an  awful  thing, 
and  they  who  resort  to  it  incur  a  fearful  responsibility.  Even 
when  successful,  the  good  that  flows  from  it  seldom  compensates 
for  the  evils  which  follow  in  its  train.  When  we  call  to  mind 
the  suffering  and  wretchedness  which  it  produces  ;  the  crueltv 
3 


18 

and  crime  which  mark  its  progress  ;  how  many  hopes  it  crushes, 
how  many  hearts  it  breaks  ;  how  it  involves  the  innocent  as  well 
as  the  guilty;  how  it  paralyzes  industry,  clips  the  wings  of 
commerce,  and  dries  up  all  the  sources  of  national  wealth  and 
prosperity  ;  how  it  dissolves  the  bonds  of  society,  unthrones  law 
and  religion,  and  unchains  all  the  bad  passions,  of  the  human 
heart ;  we  may  be  prepared  to  form  some  estimate  of  the  accu- 
mulated guilt  of  him,  who  rushes  into  a  revolution  without  an 
adequate  cause.  Surely,  it  were  better  for  that  man  that  he  had 
never  been  born. 

Is  there  anything  then  to  justify,  upon  the  part  of  the  South, 
a  Revolution  ;  for,  disguise  it  as  they  will,  to  this  complexion  it 
must  come  at  last.  When,  and  by  whom,  have  they  been 
oppressed  ?  We  have  a  right  to  demand  an  answer  to  this 
question.  Where  is  their  list  of  grievances  ?  Let  it  be  produced, 
and  submitted  to  the  judgment  of  an  enlightened  world. 

Do  the  South  complain,  that  by  reason  of  their  numerical 
inferiority,  they  have  been  excluded  from  a  just  share  of  the 
offices  and  honors  of  the  Government  ?  Of  fourteen  Presidents 
of  the  United  States,  seven  have  been  citizens  of  the  South  ;  and 
of  the  remaining  seven,  three  have  rJeen  Northern  men  with 
Southern  principles,  and  have  been  elected  by  Southern  votes. 
Of  the  seven  Southern  Presidents,  five  have  held  the  office  for 
two  terms,  while  no  President  from  the  North  has  ever  been 
re-elected.  So  that,  of  the  seventy-two  years  which  have 
elapsed  since  the  government  went  into  operation,  we  have  had 
Southern  Presidents  for  forty-eight  years,  and  Northern  Presi- 
dents for  twenty-four  years ;  and  during  twelve  of  these  twenty- 
four  years,  Northern  Presidents  chosen  by  the  South,  and  devoted 
to  her  interests.  This  would  leave  but  twelve  years  out  of  the 
seventy-two,  during  which  government  has  been  administered  in 
the  interest  of  the  North  ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  fact,  that  Gen. 
Harrison  died  a  few  weeks  after  he  was  inaugurated,  leaving  a 
Southern  man  the  acting  President.  So  far,  then,  as  the  highest 
office  in  the  gift  of  the  people  is  concerned,  the  South.has  almost 
monopolized  it.     So  too,  with  regard  to  all  the  other  prominent 


19 

appointments  under  the  Constitution,  the  South  have  had  the 
lion's  share.  With  one  third  of  the  population,  they  have  had 
more  than  two-thirds  of  the  offices.  This  certainly  does  not 
look  like  intolerable  oppression. 

Do  the  South  complain  that  they  have  not  had  their  due  share 
of  influence  in  the  councils  of  the  nation  ?  The  very  reverse. of 
this  is  notoriously  the  case.  The  truth  is,  they  have  always 
had  an  overruling  influence.  Although  a  minority  in  point  of 
population,  they  have  given  laws  to  the  majority.  They  have 
controlled  the  policy  of  the  government.  They  have  dictated 
its  measures.  No  contest  has  ever  arisen  between  the  North  and 
the  South,  in  which  the  South  have  not  come  off  triumphant. 
The  secret  of  their  power  has  always  consisted  in  the  fact,  that 
while  they  were  united,  the  North  were  divided.  A  compact 
and  united  minority,  are  always  more  than  a  match  for  a  divided 
majority. 

Take,  by  way  of  illustration,  a  single  instance.  The  Tariff 
policy  was  originally  a  Southern  policy,  a  South  Carolina  poli- 
cy. Mr.  Calhoun  was  its  great  advocate  in  1816.  The  South, 
at  that  time,  was  thought  to  possess  facilities  for  manufacturing 
purposes.  New  England  was  opposed  to  it.  Her  great  interest 
was  navigation,  foreign  trade.  These,  it  was  believed,  would  suffer 
by  an  attempt  to  build  up  manufactures  by  a  protective  system. 
But,  by  the  aid  of  Southern  votes,  a  protective  Tariff  became 
the  settled  policy  of  the  country.  New  England  soon  adapted 
herself  to  this  new  state  of  things.  She  sold  her  ships,  and  en- 
gaged in  the  business  of  manufacturing.  She  was  successful  in 
this,  as  she  generally  is,  in  whatever  she  undertakes.  She  soon 
Outstripped  every  other  section  of  the  country  in  her  manufac- 
turing processes:  In  the  South  meanwhile  they  had  proved  a 
failure.  No  sooner  was  it  perceived  that  New  England  was 
being  enriched  by  this  new  policy,  than  the  South  awoke  to  the 
discovery,  that  the  Tariff  was  unconstitutional.  She  denounced, 
in  unmeasured  terms,  what  she  called  the  accursed  Tariff.  It 
was  made  the  pretext  for  nullification  ;  and  to  pacify  the  South, 
and  keep   Carolina  in  the  Union,  the  North  was  obliged  virtu- 


20 

ally,  to  abandon  a  system,  which  had  contributed  bo  much  to 
her  prosperity.  It  has  been  so  with  other  important  measures. 
While  the  South  were  in  favor  of  them,  they  were  wise  and  con- 
stitutional. But  when  the  South  were  opposed  to  them,  they 
became  unconstitutional,  and  had  to  be  abandoned.  This  is  the 
way  in  which  they  have  been  oppressed.  Is  there  a  single  law 
upon  the  statute  books  of  the  nation  of  which  the  South  com- 
plain ?  If  so,  let  them  point  it  out.  But  it  cannot  be,  for 
these  laws  are  all  of  their  own  making. 

But  Slavery  is  made  the  pretext  for  secession.  Thirty  years 
ago,  Gen.  Jackson  predicted,  that  the  next  attempt  to  break  up 
the  Union,  would  be  upon  the  score  of  Slavery.  What  have 
the  South  to  complain  of  then  in  connection  with  Slavery? 
The  concessions  made  to  Slavery  in  the  Constitution  are  cer- 
tainly very  ample.  At  all  events,  they  were  all  that  she  de- 
manded ;  and  unless  her  demands  had  been  complied  with,  she 
never  would  have  entered  into  the  Union.  It  is  well  known, 
that  in  the  Convention  which  framed  the  Constitution,  the  dele- 
gates from  New  Jersey  were  opposed  to  these  concessions. 
They  voted  against  them.  They  were  opposed  to  slave  repre- 
sentation in  every  form  in  which  it  w^g  presented.  They  were 
unwilling  to  continue  the  African  Slave  trade  for  a  day,  even 
for  an  hour.  But  she  was  overruled  by  her  sister  States,  and 
she  submitted.  And  from  that  day  to  this,  she  has  always 
stood  faithfully  by  the  Compromises  of  the  Constitution.  So, 
in  fact,  have  all  the  Free  States.  No  serious  attempts  have  ever 
been  made  to  disturb  them. 

Then,  as  to  the  rendition  of  Fugitive  Slaves.  This  has  al- 
ways been  the  sensitive  point  with  the  South.  And  if  her  com- 
plaints here  are  unfounded,  then  is  her  conduct  absolutely  with- 
out excuse.  Now,  so  far  as  the  General  Government  is  con- 
cerned, there  is  no  provision  of  the  Constitution  which  has  more 
fully  and  fairly  been  carried  out.  The  South  was  not  satisfied 
with  the  act  passed  upon  this  subject  under  the  administration  of 
Gen.  Washington,  and  which  had  been  in  successful  operation 
for  more  than  half  a  century  ;  but  in  1850,  she  insisted  upon  a 


21 

more  stringent  law  ;  a  law,  which  denied  to  one  charged  with 
being  a  fugitive,  but  claiming  to  be  a  freeman,  the  right  to  a 
trial  by  jury.  The  act  is  certainly  very  offensive  in  many  of 
its  features.  It  was  intended  to  be  so.  But  it  was  one  of  the 
Compromise  measures  of  1850,  and  it  was  passed.  And  now, 
we  have  the  authority  of  the  late  hi  merited  Senator  Douglas  for 
saying,  that  there  is  not  a  single  act  of  Congress  that  has  ever 
been  more  faithfully  executed. 

But  one  more  complaint,  and  I  have  done.     The    South   say, 
that  they  are  not  allowed  to  take  their  slaves  into  the  territories. 
If  this  were  so,  would  it  justify  them  in  breaking  loose  from  the 
Union — "for  one   restraint,  lords   of  the  world    besides.''     But 
how  stands  the  fact  ?     Why,  the  Supreme  Court  of  the   United 
States  have  decided  that  they  have  a  right  under  the   Constitu- 
tion to  take  their  slaves  into  the   territories,  and  th^t   neither 
Congress   nor  the  Territorial   Legislatures   have   any  power  to 
prevent  it.     Now,  right  or  wrong,  this  decision,  until  reversed, 
is   the   law   of  the  land;  and   the  whole  power  of  the  General 
Government  is  pledged  to  enforce  it.      It  is   also   a  significant 
fact,  that  at  the  very  last  session  of  a   Republican   Congress, 
three    new   territories    were    organized    without    the    slightest 
restriction  as  to  slavery.     So  that,  at  the  present  moment,  there 
is  not  a  single  foot  of  territory  belonging  to  the  United    States, 
to  which  a  Southern  man  may  not  emigrate  with  all  his  slaves. 
There  never  has  been  a  period  before  in  the  history  of  our 
country,  when  the   South   enjoyed  such  perfect   immunity    for 
their  peculiar  institution ;  when  such  complete   protection   was 
thrown  around  slave  property.     Their  boast  is,  that  their  slaves 
were  never  more  happy  and  contented  than  now.     And  yet,  this 
is  the  very  moment  which  they  have  chosen  for  separating  from 
the  Union  upon  the  ground,  that  they  could   no  longer  remain 
in  it  with  safety. 

But  admitting  the  complaints  of  the  South  to  be  utterly 
groundless,  some  one  may  be  disposed  to  ask,  why  pursue  this 
contest  further  ?  What  do  you  hope  to  gain  by  it  ?  You  cannot 
subjugate  the  South.     They  are  united  as  one  man.     They  will 


22 

die  in  the  last  ditch  before  they  yield.  And  if  you  were  to  con- 
quer them,  what  would  you  do  with  them  ?  You  cannot  hope  to- 
win  back  their  affections  by  force.  To  this,  I  answer.  We  do 
not  certainly  know  what  may  be  the  issues  of  the  struggle^ 
They  are  in  the  hands  of  God.  There  we  are  willing  to  leave 
them.  But  one  thing  we  do  know.  We  have  a  duty  to  perform  ; 
painful  it  may  be,  but  a  solemn  one.  The  path  to  which  it 
leads  is  plain  before  us  ;  we  must  walk  in  it  regardless  of  conse- 
quences. This  duty  rests  upon  the  government.  It  rests  upon 
the  people.  No  one  can  be  absolved  from  it.  No  one  can 
violate  it,  but  at  the  peril  of  his  soul.  We  have  an  oath  in 
Heaven.  We  are  sworn  to  support  the  Constitution  and  laws. 
More  than  this.  We  have  a  sacred  trust  committed  to  our  hands, 
for  the  faithful  discharge  of  which  we  must  give  an  account. 
This  glorious  Constitution  has  been  handed  down  to  us  by  our 
Fathers,  as  their  last  best  gift  ;  the  richest  legacy  in  their  power 
to  bestow  ;  and  they  call  to  us  from  their  graves  to  transmit  it 
unimpaired  to  those  who  are  to  come  after  us.  That  Constitu- 
tion is  in  peril.  Shall  we  not  rush  to  its  rescue  ?  Shall  we 
surrender  it  without  a  struggle  ?  It  is  the  ark  of  our  political 
covenant.  Shall  we  not,  at  the  hazard  of  all  that  is  dear  to  us, 
preserve  it  from  violation  ?  There  is  everything  to  animate  us 
in  th3  discharge  of  this  duty.  The  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged 
is  a  holy  cause.  It  is  the  cause  of  law,  of  order,  of  civilization, 
of  constitutional  freedom,  now  and  for  all  future  times,  here 
and  throughout  the  world.  Bright  omens  cheer  us  on  everv 
side.  The  hearts  of  the  people  are  with  us.  They  have  taken 
the  work  into  their  own  hands.  They  mean  to  preserve  the 
government,  should  those  who  are  intrusted  with  it  falter  or  fail. 
That  Constitution  which  they  made,  they  will  defend.  That 
Providence,  who  watched  over  us  in  our  infancy,  who  led  our 
armies  to  victory  in  the  war  of  our  Revolution,  who  guided  the 
counsels  of  those  that  built  up  our  Institutions,  will  not  now 
forsake  us.  Already,  has.  its  manifestations  been  visible  on  our 
behalf.  Who,  that  looks  at  the  events  of  the  last  few  months — 
at  the  imminent  perils  to  which  we  were  exposed,   and  from 


23 

which  we  escaped  by  no  wisdom  or  fore  Bight  of  our  own — our 
very  Government  in  the  hands  of  traitors — those  whom  we  had 
a  right  to  look  to  as  our  defenders,  basely  deserting  us  in  our 
hour  of  need— the  hearts  of  the  best  men  failing  them  because  of 
fear— who,  that  remembers  these  things,  can  fail  to  see,  that  the 
hand  of  God  has  been  stretched  out  on  our  behalf. 

We  have  no  unkind  feelings  towards  the  people  of  the  South. 
Notwithstanding  the  wrongs  and  insults  they  have  heaped  upon 
us,  and  which  would  have  been  borne  with  from  none  but  those 
who  once  were  our  brethren,  we  have  exercised  towards  them  a 
forbearance  unexampled  in  the  history  of  the  world.  Up  to  the 
very  last,  our  hearts'  prayer  has  been  that  they  would  see,  before 
it  was  forever  too  late,  the  fatal  errors  of  their  way  ;  and  that 
they  would  allow  us  to  return  to  the  scabbard,  with  its  blade 
unstained  by  their  blood,  that  sword  which  we  have  so  reluctantly 
drawn. 

But,  although  slow  to  take  up  arms— although  even,  when 
prepared  to  strike,  hesitating  to  do  so,  that  the  utmost  time 
might  be  given  for  repentance— let  not  our  position  be  misunder- 
stood. To  those  whom  we  cannot  but  regard  as  traitors,  with 
arm*  in  their  hands,  no  concessions  are  to  be  made — no  terms 
proposed.  Unconditional  submission  to  the  Constitution  and 
Laws  must  be  absolutely  insisted  upon.  This  is  the  people's 
stern  resolve,  their  inflexible  purpose.  Until  this  is  accomplish- 
ed, never  will  they  lay  down  their  arms— never— never.  A 
disastrous  war— defeat,  followed  by  a  dismemberment  of  the 
Union— would  be  better  than  any  peace,  which  even  tacitly 
acknowledges  the  right  of  Secession.  Yes  !  if  the  South  are  to 
go  out  of  the  Union,  let  them  hew  their  way  out  by  the  sword. 
It  will  be  so  rough  a  way,  that  others  will  not  be  likely  hereafter 
to  tread  in  it.  But  make  the  way  easy,  let  it  be  once  understood 
that  there  can  be  such  a  thing  as  peaceful  secession,  and  you 
extinguish  all  hope  of  preserving  what  may  yet  remain  of  the 
Union.     Then  shall  we  see, 

••Star  follow  star,  and  light  light, 
'Till  all  is  darkness  and  eternal  night." 


24 

And  finally,  my  friends,  is  not  this  government  worth  preserv- 
ing ?  What  a  beautiful  fabric  it  is  !  What  a  perfect  piece  of 
political  mechanism,  if  indeed,  perfection  can  be  ascribed  to 
anything  human  !  I  know  it  seems  complex — wheels  within 
wheels — "eccentric,  intervolved,  yet  regular  then  most,  when 
most  irregular  it  seems" — 

"Which  yonder  starry  sphere 
Of  planets  and  of  fixed,  in  all  their  wheels 
Resembles  nearest" — 

combining  in  one  system,  a  number  of  separate  States,  in 
such  a  way,  that  on  the  one  hand  they  should  not  rush  into 
consolidation,  nor  on  the  other  fly  asunder  in  broken  fragments  ; 
with  a  great  central  power,  around  which  all  revolve,  while  each 
at  the  same  time  has  an  orbit  of  its  own  ;  borrowing  what  is  best, 
and  copying  what  is  fairest,  from  all  other  forms  of  government, 
and  blending  them  into  one  harmonious  whole.  Has  it  not  more 
than  realized  the  fondest  hopes  formed  of  it  by  its  framers  ? 
Has  it  not  compassed,  in  a  remarkable  degree,  the  very  ends 
for  which  it  was  ordained  ?  Has  it  not  proved  itself  equal  to 
every  emergency  ?  Adapted  to  a  state  of  war  as  well  as  of 
peace  ?  And  with  an  expansive  power  that  knows  no  limit, 
opened  its  capacious  arms  and  taken  under  its  protecting  wings 
State  after  State,  until  the  number  has  increased  from  thirteen 
to  thirty-four,  and  the  population  swelled  from  three  to  thirty 
millions  ?  Put  out  the  lesser  light  of  a  State  Constitution,  and 
it  might  easily  be  rekindled.  But  let  the  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  be  destroyed,  and  when  could  we  hope  to  see  it 
re-constructed.  Once  quench  it,  and  where  is  that  Promethean 
heat  that  could  its  light  relume  ?  Let  us  then  stand  by  the 
Constitution.  Let  us  rally  round  the  flag  of  the  Union.  Let 
us  uphold  the  gorgeous  Ensign  of  the  Republic,  with  its  arms 
and  trophies  streaming  in  all  their  original  lustre,  not  a  single 
stripe  obscured,  nor  a  single  star  obliterated. 


ICI 


